Turn off meaning的問題,透過圖書和論文來找解法和答案更準確安心。 我們找到下列免費下載的地點或者是各式教學

Turn off meaning的問題,我們搜遍了碩博士論文和台灣出版的書籍,推薦Andriopoulos, Constantine寫的 Purposeful Curiosity: The Power of Asking the Right Questions at the Right Time 和Peter F. Drucker的 Drucker on Totalitarianism and Salvation by Society都 可以從中找到所需的評價。

另外網站Turn Off的意思 - 希平方也說明:「掃興」- Turn Off. 分享給好友: ... Nothing turns me off like a heaping dump or some freshly churned colon sausage... 沒有什麼比像是一大堆垃圾、或是比新鮮 ...

這兩本書分別來自 和博雅所出版 。

中國文化大學 政治學系 林炫向所指導 盧俊昇的 情緒對外交決策之影響:以韓戰期間的中共與美國為例 (2021),提出Turn off meaning關鍵因素是什麼,來自於情緒、情緒轉向。

而第二篇論文中原大學 國際經營與貿易學系 陳宜棻所指導 黃佳鈴的 雙重感官的饗宴-以方法目的鏈探討消費者觀看ASMR影片之價值內涵 (2021),提出因為有 自發性感知經絡反應、體驗行銷、使用與滿足理論、方法目的鏈、價值階層圖的重點而找出了 Turn off meaning的解答。

最後網站turn off - Longman Dictionary則補充:turn off ; turn-offˈturn-off noun ; 1 [countable]TTR a smaller road that leads off a main road I missed the turn-off to the farm. ; 2 [singular] informalSEXY ...

接下來讓我們看這些論文和書籍都說些什麼吧:

除了Turn off meaning,大家也想知道這些:

Purposeful Curiosity: The Power of Asking the Right Questions at the Right Time

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為了解決Turn off meaning的問題,作者Andriopoulos, Constantine 這樣論述:

Professor of Entrepreneurship at Cass Business School provides his masterclass on how accomplished individuals use their curiosity to reach challenging goals and provides nine common practices to push boundaries and make new discoveries.We have a love affair with people who plunge into new experienc

es and push limits. We admire those who imagine the unimaginable, solve enduring mysteries, who turn the impossible into possible, and help us evolve. In Purposeful Curiosity, Dr. Constantine Andriopolous lifts the veil on how accomplished individuals channel their curiosity to a particular purpose-

-toward advancing science and human understanding, discovering new lands and opportunities or reaching a significant goal. Purposeful curiosity gets you off the couch and propels you to solve complex puzzles, is about immersing into the unknown with clarity, passion, courage, and positivity. Dr. And

riopolous interviews Formula One engineers, scientists working to grow food on Mars, opera singers, visual special effects artists, storm chasers, venture capitalists, Michelin-starred chefs, and many others to learn how they used their curiosity to achieve challenging goals. Although not everyone a

spires to explore Antarctica or found a factchecking website, we all search for meaning and progress. Whether trying to become better or the best in what you do, prepare for a new job or leave your current career and pursue something more fulfilling, see through the "noise" of fake outrage and infor

mation overload, commercialize an innovation, improve health or teach children the value of solving a puzzle, you benefit from thinking like a purposefully curious person. Purposeful Curiosity offers nine essential lessons to allow you to make use of your curiosity to empower and help you replicate

the experiences of others in order to reach your goals and thrive. Dr. Constantine "Costas" Andriopoulos is a curious innovation and entrepreneurship researcher, passionate about teaching and helping founders or leaders make decisions that can improve their lives and those of people around them. H

e is the Professor of Innovation and Entrepreneurship at Cass Business School (City, University of London). He is also the Director of Avyssos Advisors Ltd., an innovation management consultancy. During his time at Cass, Dr. Andriopoulos has built and grown one of the most popular Masters in Entrepr

eneurship, where students are encouraged to think about big problems and ways to solve them and take a journey into the "unknown" by starting their own ventures. He has also successfully launched Cass X (Research Center for Innovation and Disruption), one of the leading scholarly centers focusing on

disruptive innovation. He lives in London and Greece.

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情緒對外交決策之影響:以韓戰期間的中共與美國為例

為了解決Turn off meaning的問題,作者盧俊昇 這樣論述:

近年來隨著腦神經科學的進步,情緒與理性的二分法觀點已受到挑戰與修正。情緒與理性是不可截然兩分的整體機制,這樣的觀點已然衝擊各個研究領域,帶來一波新的「行為革命」浪潮,當然也為國際關係研究帶來了一波「情感轉向」或「情緒轉向」。從2000年開始,陸陸續續有國際關係學者開始倡議重視情感和情緒的研究,基於這樣一個重要觀念轉折的契機,本文嘗試以這波國際關係「情緒轉向」的研究成果,來探討情緒在韓戰的決策過程中扮演一個怎樣的角色。主流國際關係對於戰爭的分析,多半是建立在理性計算的現實主義視角上。理性選擇理論熱衷於把理性和自利的假設,廣泛運用於政治行為的研究中;但個體不可能全盤掌握到最佳可行決策中所需的全部

資訊,顯然人們不是完全的理性,自然也就無法達到經濟學中「效用最大化」的這一目標。換句話說,人是會犯錯的,會受到各種內在與外部因素的影響,進而做出各種不理性的決策,所以情緒也可能是影響決策者的重要因素之一。本論文採質化研究,以論述分析與個案研究做為主要核心研究方法,並透過Todd H. Hall的三種情緒性論述分析(情緒性陳述論述、情緒性挑釁論述與情緒性論述),來分析韓戰期間美國與中共在決策過程中,是否受到情緒影響而做出不理性的決策。最後本文研究發現,無論是威權國家或是民主國家,其國內政治的激情往往會導致決策者上喪失在實際戰場上的理性判斷。從韓戰中美雙方的分析中可以發現,國家決策者與戰場指揮官的

判斷往往不一致:不論是美軍或是共軍的最終決策者,最終均決定聽從政治的激情而非戰場實際的情況。此可彰顯本文的論點:政治激情往往會凌駕於理性決策之上,進而做出不理性的決策。

Drucker on Totalitarianism and Salvation by Society

為了解決Turn off meaning的問題,作者Peter F. Drucker 這樣論述:

  TO OUR READERS   I have long wanted to compile a volume that brings together Peter Drucker’s discourses on totalitarianism and salvation by society to make them easily accessible to readers. Now the work has finally been completed.   The book is comprised of selections from five of Peter Drucker

’s works, The End of Economic Man, The Ecological Vision, Landmarks of Tomorrow, Adventures of a Bystander, and A Functioning Society. My job was to sort the content into nine chapters, draw up titles, and write related introductions to the chapters. Drucker’s reflections on and critiques of totalit

arianism run through most of his works, but they are more focused and systematic in the five books mentioned above. Known as “the father of modern management”, Peter Drucker had a lifelong hatred of totalitarianism. He studied management because he felt that only the effective management of pluralis

tic social organizations—including non-profit organizations, industrial and commercial enterprises, and government agencies—could provide options or alternatives to resist totalitarian rule.   Totalitarianism is an ugly phenomenon in human society and politics, and it is also a terrifying disease.

It has caused more suffering to humankind than any other tyranny in history. What it seeks is to fully and thoroughly manipulate and control every individual, both in body and mind, turning humans not only into animals but also into machines and tools as well. Totalitarianism aims for absolute power

, but no one except the Creator has such power. Hence, it manifests as a state of absurdity and madness in which “the movement (persecution) is everything, yet there is no purpose.” By its nature, totalitarianism cannot tolerate the existence of even a tiny bit of humanity. The Nazis’ “final solutio

n” (genocide), the mass murder of Jews, is its logical result. Today, highly developed new technologies are also providing imaginative physical and psychological methods of manipulation, giving those with totalitarian ambitions the means to carry out a “final solution,” the extinction of unmankind (

the extinction of human nature; that is, essentially exterminating the human species.) Totalitarianism is the result of the failure of “salvation by society”.   History has repeatedly proven that any perfect, or nearly perfect society that claims to have no conflict, no class differences, complete

fairness, justice, benevolence, and harmony, is a utopia. However, using society to eliminate evil in human nature, to save human beings from depravity, and transform them into perfect people, is merely a naïve fantasy. Marxism is the most recent, most rigorous, and most alluring social rescue plan

but also the utmost failure at “salvation by society”. Today, political parties and nations still under the banner of Marxist communism or socialism have essentially sunken into totalitarianism.   From the perspective of philosophy, “Salvation by society” belongs to the category of absolute rationa

lism. It originates from human beings’ pride and conceit, is the notion that people can grasp absolute truth and become the master of everything in the world, including their own destiny.   Tracing their respective roots in different fields of knowledge, people regard their discoveries as the only

correctness. They develop various “isms,” including progressivism, scientism, economic utilitarianism, rational liberalism, nationalism or ethnocentrism, and socialism and communism.      These doctrines may be impeccable logically, and some are emotionally moving. But they all have an a priori hypo

thesis that cannot be empirically proven or falsified—that is, human beings can be absolutely rational and can comprehend absolute truth.   Now we finally know this priori hypothesis is wrong, not because of logic’s merits or demerits, but because it simply doesn’t work in real life. So, where is t

he way out? Peter Drucker suggested that we return to spiritual values and faith: to experience and recognize there is a higher authority beyond society and above human beings. That authority has already planted compassion and justice in human’s hearts, what we usually call “conscience.” If humans i

ndeed have a purely rational nature, conscience is its master. With conscience derived from faith, rationality can perform its beneficial functions. Like the conservatism’s counterrevolutionary movement that took place in the United States and Great Britain more than two hundred years ago, it shines

with the glory of true freedom and genuine rationality: Those movements were constructive, not destructive; they appealed to the love, faith, and humility of Christ. Based on religious conviction, they firmly rejected human’s absolute rationality, or irrational absolutism, and were solemnly committ

ed to human dignity.        Peter Drucker inherited the tradition of the conservatism’s counterrevolution in the United States and Great Britain. Inspired by observing social and political realities in the United States, he formed a social concept that differs from a social rescue plan (salvation by

society): lesser evils instead of greater good. Although imperfect, it would create a less painful and tolerable society. Such a society should have the following characteristics:   1. It would replace solipsistic “isms” with an open and tolerant attitude.   2. It would replace centralized and uni

form structures with diversified social organization and decentralized power centers.   3. It would replace revolutionary dogma with experimental, gradual improvement and review from time to time.   4. It would replace the rigid social relationship that mutually exclude and negate between individual

and the whole, or between the different parts of the society, with the principle of mutual dependence and mutual benefit to establish a dynamic equilibrium between the individuals and society, freedom and order.   Such a society would not follow a preset scientific design, nor would it need to rel

y on charismatic leaders or supermen. It would not be perfect, but it would be better and achievable.   It should be emphasized that Drucker’s openness, tolerance, diversity, and eclecticism are not without a bottom line. The bottom line is that he will never tolerate any form of totalitarian autoc

racy. Drucker noted that human beings have two essential qualities that other creatures don’t have—knowledge and power. These attributes can neither be removed nor avoided, and their aims and uses must be regulated and restricted. He was wary of sovereign states and modern governments. He believed t

hat regardless of whether they adopted a democratic system or an autocratic system, they were essentially the same but only different in extent, to which they infringed on individual rights and freedoms. Therefore, within every sovereign state and modern government, there exists a gene for the growt

h of totalitarianism. When any nation abuses its knowledge and power to violate human rights, the international community must restrict or even deprive it of its sovereignty.   However, Drucker believed that thus far, the United States may be the only country that has never entirely accepted the co

ncept and system of a sovereign state. Therefore, as the leader of the free world and developed countries in the West, the United States is best suited to be the first to serve as a model for global actions to resist totalitarianism. Constructive frontiers of work are more important and decisive tha

n confrontations in the military sphere. Such frontiers are not found in the East, where totalitarianism is firmly rooted and far-reaching, but in the free world, especially in the West, where the U.S. has an advantage. These “West” frontiers are:   • the educated society;   • the world economy of

dynamic development;   • the new political concepts and institutions needed in this pluralist age, internationally,   nationally and locally; and civilizations that can take the place of the East that has vanished.   Ultimately, when the “West” constructive endeavors bring forth the tolerable new s

ociety that Ducker envisioned, restoring confidence in freedom and equality, totalitarianism will evaporate just as the sun rises and the dew will naturally be disappeared, losing its deceptive magic.   For those who are not free today, who unfortunately live under totalitarian rule or in totalitar

ian revolutionary movements, Drucker offers advice on how to deal with the environment based on his personal experiences in Europe as a teenager. The first is what not to do. Power has the potential for absolute and comprehensive control, and human nature is weak, unable to withstand the threats and

temptations of power, let alone face the opening of “Pandora’sBox”—totalitarianism. If a person is not ready to stand up, fight, and sacrifice him—or herself for righteousness— and it is only the few of the best, noblest, and courageous among us who can do that—the wisest thing to do is to break of

f with totalitarianism.   If some people try to control it with ambition or to make a deal with it by using wisdom and ingenuity, whether out of selfish motives or sincere goodwill, totalitarianism will use them, and they will become accomplices to its evildoing. In “The Monster and the Lamb” of th

is book, Drucker termed the former type “monster” and the latter “lamb.” Compared with above two types of people who voluntarily join the totalitarian camp, the other type of people is often the majority. Although they do not participate in themselves, they acquiesce totalitarianism to abuse others,

they turn their heads, safely latch their door then enjoy “peace and quiet.” Totalitarian careerists derive their greatest encouragement from public indifference, which is an “endorsement” to behave unscrupulously and do whatever they please.   As for what people should do vs what should not do, D

rucker didn’t give an easy answer. He didn’t tell us what proactive actions we can take under the terror, pressure, and false propaganda of totalitarianism that would effectively weaken totalitarian rule while protecting as much as possible ourselves and families. The situation is similar to the Bib

lical story of Abraham, who accepted God’s order to sacrifice his son. Abraham felt compelled to obey God’s command, yet also wanted to save his beloved son Isaac. Considering and formulating what strategies and courses of action is the responsibility of every entrepreneur, teacher, scholar, media p

erson, government official, professional knowledge worker, and citizen. However, the principles and directions have been given, and the constraints of the objective environment are also clear. Therefore, we can at least know the understanding of ethics, morals, and performance are required for holdi

ng a position or running a business in a totalitarian country are different than they would be for the same position or business in a democratic country. For example, if you have to set up a business in a totalitarian country, your goal should not be to contribute to the country’s GDP or tax revenue

. Nor should you aid in strengthening its national defense or “stabilizing” its society. And, not to mention that you should never use the national ideology to educate employees and unite them.     Lastly, I’d like to point out that the book ends on an optimistic note, which Drucker wrote in 1959.

He was fifty years old then, vigorous and confident. He saw a pluralistic and autonomous organizational new society taking shape in the United States and the West. The boom in modern management and the emergence of an educated group of knowledge workers (also known as the “middle class”) complementi

ng each other at that time. But on the other hand, he also noticed that mankind had begun to master knowledge of the natural science and behavioral science that could end up destroying humanity. And that kind of knowledge was creating conditions for the exercise of absolute power. In that era of gre

at change, he urged society, human beings, and individuals to “return to spiritual values and return to religion,” and he emphasized knowledge workers’ responsibilities, because in inherence, “knowledge is power, and power is responsibility.” It is also because only through the specific and subtle p

ractice of assuming responsibility and thus realizing dignity at the individual level could humankind’s long-standing grand and lofty ideal of “freedom and equality” be achieved. Hereby, I would like to revisit with the readers on Drucker’s clarion call that he made sixty years ago as encouragement

for us all:   “Everyone must be ready to take over alone and without notice, and show himself saint or hero, villain or coward... played out in one’s daily life, in one’s work, in one’s citizenship, in one’s compassion or lack of it, in one’s courage to stick to an unpopular principle, and in one’s

refusal to sanction man’s inhumanity to man in an age of cruelty and moral numbness.   In a time of change and challenge, new vision and new danger, new frontiers and permanent crisis, suffering and achievement, in a time of overlap such as ours, the individual is both all-powerless and all-powerf

ul. He is powerless, however exalted his station, if he believes that he can impose his will, that he can command the tides of history. He is all-powerful, no matter how lowly, if he knows himself to be responsible.”   Ming Lo Shao, Editor   October 2020, in Los Angeles, USA   編者簡介   FOREWORD O

N BEHALF OF THE AUTHOR   If the author of this book, Peter Drucker, were still alive, faced with the reality of the current rifts in American politics and society, I believe he would warn and advise us all, particularly the young and enthusiastic among us, with the following words from the preface

of The End of Economic Man, reprinted in 1969:   But can we still be sure? Or are there not signs around us that totalitarianism may re-infest us, may indeed overwhelm us again? The problems of our times are very different from those of the ’twenties and ’thirties, and so are our realities. But som

e of our reactions to these problems are ominously reminiscent of the “despair of the masses” that plunged Europe into Hitler’s totalitarianism and into World War II. In their behavior some groups—they racists, white and black, but also some of the student “activists” on the so-called Left—are frigh

teningly reminiscent of Hitler’s stormtroopers—in their refusal to grant any rights, free speech for instance, to anyone else; in their use of character assassination; in their joy in destruction and vandalism.   In their rhetoric these groups are odiously similar to Hitler’s speeches and so is the

dreary nihilism of their prophets to hatred from Mao to Marcus. But above all, these groups on the “Right” as well as on the “Left,” like the totalitarians of the generation ago, believe that to say “no” is a positive policy; that to have compassion is to be weak; and that to manipulate idealism fo

r the pursuit of power is to be “idealistic.” They have not learned the one great lesson of our recent past: hatred is no answer to despair.   Understanding of the dynamics of the totalitarianism of yesterday may help us better to understand today and to prevent a recurrence of yesterday. It may, I

hope above all, help young people today to turn their idealism, their genuine distress over the horrors of this world, and their desire for a better and braver tomorrow into constructive action for, rather than into totalitarian nihilism as their predecessors did thirty years ago. For at the end of

this road there could only be another Hitler and another “ultimate solution” with its gas chambers and extermination camps.   Those words not only embody the book’s practical significance today but also the historical importance it will have in the future.   Editor       November 2, 2020, America

n Presidential Election Eve   Los Angeles, USA   CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS PREFACE PREFACE TO OUR READERS FOREWORD ON BEHALF OF THE AUTHOR   CHAPTER ONE The Morbid Phenomena of Totalitarian Countries Introduction 1 The Totalitarian Economic System and the “Noneconomic Society” 2 By Justifying Per

sonal Sacrifice to Deny the Meaning of Life and Society 3 Create Enemies and Incite Hatred Between Classes, Races, and Nations 4 Control the Entire Country and Society by One Top-to-bottom Totalitarian Organization 5 Mystifying Leader, Creating an Atmosphere of Personal Worship 6 Encourage Informers

and Undermine Traditional Ethical Values   CHAPTER TWO The Origins and Essence of Totalitarianism from the Prospective of Society and Politics Introduction 1 The Total Failure of Marxism Had Been a Main Reason for the Europe’s Masses to Supported Totalitarianism 2 Why Can Totalitarianism Win the Su

pport of the Masses? 3 No Revolutionary Leader Can Oppose the Inner Dynamic of the Revolution or Impose Measures That Go Against Public Opinion   CHAPTER THREE Totalitarianism Inevitably be Replaced by a New Noneconomic Society Based on Individual Freedom and Equality Introduction   CHAPTER FOUR The

Origins and Essence of Totalitarianism from the Perspective of Rationality and Faith Introduction 1 From Rousseau to Hitler 2 Why Society Is Not Enough: Introduction to The Unfashionable Kierkegaard 3 The Unfashionable Kierkegaard   CHAPTER FIVE The Origins and Essence of Totalitarianism from the P

erspective of Technology Progress Introduction Abstraction Part One of The Human Situation Today   CHAPTER SIX Criticism of Marxism Introduction 1 How Did Marxist “Political Economics” Be Debunked? 2 Marxism’s Failure   CHAPTER SEVEN Do We Want “Salvation by Society” or a Society That Is Not Perfec

t but Tolerable? Introduction 1 No More Salvation by Society 2 A Society that May Be the Best We Can Possibly Hope For   CHAPTER EIGHT The Free World’s “West” Strategy to Resist Totalitarianism Introduction 1 “The Work to Be Done”—The Overview of the “West” Strategy 2 Discussion on the Frontiers of

“West” Strategy   CHAPTER NINE How Should Individuals Deal with the Threat and Temptation of Totalitarianism? Introduction 1 The Maverick Young Drucker 2 The Monster and the Lamb 3 Abstraction Part Two of The Human Situation Today   推薦序 PREFACE   Peter Drucker was a friend and advisor to me duri

ng my leadership years at ServiceMaster. Minglo Shao has become a very special friend of mine. We first met as he became a partner of ServiceMaster, assisting us in expanding our business to China and other countries in the Far East. I later had the privilege of introducing him to Peter Drucker, and

the two of them developed a good friendship which extended over the balance of Peter’s life.   Minglo Shao has now developed an abstract of Drucker’s writings reflecting Drucker’s view on “totalitarianism and salvation by society.” As you read this, it is well to reflect upon the application of th

ese thoughts—especially to the young people of today—providing appropriate warnings and excellent advice. Thank you, Minglo, for the example of your life and your continued friendship. C. William Pollard November 2, 2020 American Presidential Election Eve Chicago, Illinois, USA 2 By Justifying Pe

rsonal Sacrifice to Deny the Meaning of Life and SocietyThe consistent new concept of society which totalitarianism proclaims is nothing but a mirage unless war is accepted not only as legitimate but as supreme. Man’s function and his place in war must lay the basis of his function and place in soci

ety altogether. Hitler’s and Mussolini’s entire social and political edifices are necessarily built upon Heroic Man as the concept of man’s true nature.* * * * *The anonymous soldier in the trenches, the equally anonymous worker on the assembly line, are fundamental symbols of this new concept of ma

n. And Ernst Juenger, the one really profound German philosopher of the totalitarian state, has therefore consciously based his new society upon the figure of the Worker-Soldier; physical pain and the ability to endure it are the basis of his new order of values.

雙重感官的饗宴-以方法目的鏈探討消費者觀看ASMR影片之價值內涵

為了解決Turn off meaning的問題,作者黃佳鈴 這樣論述:

近年來,聲音經濟的興起,帶動自發性感知經絡反應 (Autonomous Sensory Meridian Response, ASMR)崛起,ASM是一種產生非自主的震顫感知現象,發生位置通常於後腦杓,會沿著脊柱延伸至四肢,當人們感受到這種現象後,會產生愉快感、舒適感和放鬆感等感受。因為ASMR可為人們帶來特殊的感覺,所以人們會將其運用於放鬆、培養睡前情緒的一種方式,目前,在YouTube平台上有許多國內外的ASMR artist (ASMRtist)會製作ASMR的影片,觀看人數非常多。此外,許多大型品牌運用體驗行銷中的感官行銷及情感行銷,製作ASMR廣告,以吸引消費者,增加品牌形

象,進而創造更好地品牌績效。 本研究以使用與滿足理論(Uses and Gratifications Theory, U&G)以瞭解人們觀看ASMR欲獲得什麼滿足,例如享樂滿足或是功利滿足等等。此外,本研究採用方法目的鏈(Means-End Chain, MEC),並以軟式階梯法作為深度調查的工具,針對40位曾觀看過ASMR者進行訪談,了解其觀看ASMR的動機、原因及目的,進而分析其「屬性-結果利益-價值」,最後將結果繪製成價值階層圖(Hierarchical value map, HVM)。研究結果發現,以聲音特點及外在特色及情境互動為多數人考量的因素,以體驗需求、沉浸需求、慾望增加、

情緒安定、幫助睡眠及遠離塵囂為結果利益,最重視的核心價值為放鬆感、滿足感及臨場感。本研究經過分析,並探討管理意涵,提供給ASMRtist未來在製作ASMR影片時,可增加一些元素,增加影音的吸引力及點閱率,企業也可以了解消費者其需求,針對其需求製作ASMR廣告。 此外,本研究採用方法目的鏈(Means-End Chain, MEC),並以軟式階梯法作為深度調查的工具,針對40位曾觀看過ASMR者進行訪談,了解其觀看ASMR的動機、原因及目的,進而分析其「屬性-結果利益-價值」,最後將結果繪製成價值階層圖(Hierarchical value map, HVM)。研究結果發現,ASMR觀看者

重視的三項關鍵屬性為聲音特點、外在特色及情境互動為多數人考量的因素,以及前三項結果利益為遠離塵囂、提升慾望、幫助睡眠,而最重視的核心價值為放鬆感、滿足感及臨場感。本研究經過分析,並探討管理意涵,提供給ASMRtist未來在製作ASMR影片時,可增加一些元素,增加影音的吸引力及點閱率,企業也可以了解消費者其需求,針對其需求製作ASMR廣告。